Voices Rise Against Racism in Tunisia as Policy Hardens

Earlier this month, dozens of activists, students, and members of civil society marched through downtown Tunis holding signs denouncing racial discrimination, calling for justice and dignity not only for migrants but also for activists facing prosecution for their humanitarian work with black migrants. The main slogan, chanted in French to accommodate non-Arabic speaking migrants: “Solidarity with migrants without papers.”

The march on Saturday, April 11 was the outgrowth of a petition, launched earlier that week by a handful of anti-racist citizens, that quickly gained momentum across different political and social circles, garnering around 500 signatures. It denounces what signatories describe as the growing normalization of racist discourse in Tunisia, particularly against black Tunisians and migrants from sub-Saharan Africa. The initiative directly links increasing racism to political narratives that have intensified since 2023 while calling for accountability, an end to hate speech, and a public stand against racism in all its forms.

“This march is a societal reaction to show that what you see on social media does not reflect Tunisian society,”  Romdhane Ben Amor, spokesperson for the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDES), told Meshkal. “Tunisian society is, first and foremost, in solidarity with black Tunisians and with migrants present in Tunisia.”

Shifting Political Climate

In recent years, Tunisia has witnessed a sharp escalation in racist discourse, particularly targeting migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, as well as activists and organizations working on migration issues. Many activists attribute this shift to the broader political climate and the normalization of exclusionary narratives.

“The context is the recent wave of racism, which has resurfaced and intensified significantly with the trial of Saadia Mosbah,” said Romdhane Ben Amor. “Almost every social media post mentioning her has been met with disturbing and shameful comments.”

Mosbah’s case has since become a focal point of concern for civil society organizations, particularly following her sentencing on March 19 to eight years in prison, after nearly 700 days in detention since May 7, 2024. The ruling also included a fine of 122,000 dinars on charges related to alleged violations of laws governing associations, money laundering, and suspicions surrounding the organization’s foreign funding.

A collective statement by several associations and political groups described the ruling as a “shocking and unjust verdict,” stressing that the anti-racism activist and members of her organization are being prosecuted for their civic work against racism and hate speech. The signatories argued that the case reflects a broader pattern in which legal charges, including money laundering, are increasingly used against activists, journalists, and civil society actors.

The statement also warned that anti-racism activists themselves have become targets of campaigns built around false narratives of “demographic replacement” of Arabs by blacks and conspiracy theories. It called for the immediate release of Saadia Mosbah and an end to what it described as “politically motivated prosecutions.”

In a Feb. 21, 2023 statement, President Kais Saied said that “hordes of irregular migrants from Africa” were leading to “violence, crimes and unacceptable practices.” In a parallel to racist “great replacement” ideas prominent in Europe, Saied suggested that a decades-long conspiracy was afoot by unnamed parties to change the “demographic composition of Tunisia…and that there are parties that received a large amount of money after 2011 for the settlement of illegal immigrants from Sub-Saharan Africa in Tunisia” in order to erase Tunisia’s Arab and Islamic identity. The rhetoric reflects the language of a party calling itself the “Tunisian Nationalist Party,” led by Houssem Toubene and Sofien Ben Sghaeir, which has been trying to drive out black Africans from Tunisia with racist, violent rhetoric since at least 2011.

The Saadia Mosbah Case

As debates around the case intensify, many observers point to a broader political and media environment that has contributed to the normalization of exclusionary narratives and the escalation of racist discourse in public space.

“The ruling against Saadia Mosbah is seen by many observers as a form of institutional racism, reflecting the discrimination faced by black Tunisians,” said Romdhane Ben Amor. “It comes amid a rise in political rhetoric from certain members of parliament and media platforms, which have circulated narratives around so-called ‘resettlement’ and the situation of migrants in Tunisia. Critics say this discourse is increasingly being internalized and instrumentalized for political gain.”

Beyond institutional and political analysis, activists on the ground describe the situation in more personal and direct terms, rooted in everyday experiences of racism within Tunisian society.

“Because I know Saadia, my solidarity with her is absolute,” said Samira Trabelsi, a nurse and member of the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT). “I take full responsibility for saying this: the judiciary today is racist. As black Tunisians, we face racism every day, in the streets and in institutions. We are a society with deep-rooted racism.” 

Lawyers defending Mosbah challenge the foundations of the state’s case against Mosbah, arguing that the charges of money laundering reflect politically and racially charged prosecutions targeting civil society actors.

Speaking at a press conference held by the defense committee for Saadia Mosbah on April 1 at the headquarters of the National Union of Tunisian Journalists (SNJT), lawyer Hela Ben Salem said that the Mnemty Association [the anti-racial discrimination group led by Saadia Mosbah] case “lacks basic legal grounds” and is, at its core, a case of “unjust enrichment,” noting that Mosbah owns only a house inherited from her father, a car she is still paying off through a bank loan, and a bank account with a balance of negative 900 dinars. 

“We are dealing with a ‘colored case,’ the product of a structured racist discourse that began before Saadia’s arrest on May 7, 2024,” she added (minutes 22:25 to 23:24).

The lawyer argued that, at most, the case concerns administrative irregularities covered by Decree-Law No. 88 on associations, which do not rise to the level of criminal offenses, let alone serious charges such as money laundering.

Raising further concerns about the proceedings, lawyer Moez Bejawi questioned the expert report on which the case is based, stating that “from the outset, the expert appeared confused and unfamiliar with both the case file and the scope of his assignment.” He said the expert even confused the Mnemty association with Terre d’Asile Tunisia and used racist language while drawing preconceived conclusions about alleged “resettlement” of black migrants, despite the case having no connection to migration issues.

Bejawi also criticized the application of money laundering charges to relatively small sums, including 33,000 dinars, 2,100 dinars, and 600 dinars, which he said were disbursed either as reimbursements to members or payments for services under contractual agreements. 

“Is this what anti-money laundering laws were designed for?” he asked (minutes 12:25 to 16:12).

In this context, Romdhan Ben Amor, a member of the “Campaign Against the Criminalization of Civil Society Work,” recalled that money laundering charges are increasingly being used in politically charged prosecutions to target anyone who challenges the official narrative, ranging from civil society actors such as Saadia Mosbah, to media figures Murad Zghidi and Borhane Bsaies, and even members of the executive committee of the Maghreb Sumud Flotilla.

Between Online Hate and Lived Solidarity

Beyond the legal and political dimensions of the case, Romdhane Ben Amor also points to a widening gap between online discourse and lived reality.

“In Tunisia, there are two realities when it comes to racism: the online space, which is frightening and shameful, and the reality on the ground, which is marked by significant solidarity,” said Ben Amor. The concern among anti-racism activists today is that this online wave is being driven not only by influencers, but, more alarmingly, by political actors, turning racism into a tool for political gain. Yet, as Ben Amor warns, this digital space is far from harmless.

The tensions described by Ben Amor were further illustrated by a recent political controversy that sparked widespread condemnation, after Member of Parliament (MP) Tarek Mehdi of the Free Bloc and Vice-Chair of the Committee on Strategic Planning, Sustainable Development, Transport, Infrastructure, and Urban Development made a racist statement during a plenary session on April 13, in parliament. 

“Raping an African woman is unacceptable, Tunisian women are beautiful, we are not lacking anything. Frankly, it pains me to even say this, Tunisia has everything,” Mehdi said.

The remarks were delivered during a parliamentary session in the presence of the Minister of the Interior. They drew laughter from some MPs and were later published in full on the parliament’s official page without any disclaimer.

The statement was made in reference to a recent case that shocked public opinion, involving the alleged rape of a black African migrant inside an official vehicle by two police officers in Ariana. The incident triggered widespread outrage and calls for accountability, particularly given the alleged involvement of law enforcement officials, raising serious concerns about the protection of human dignity and the equal application of the law.

The MP’s remarks were met with swift backlash from civil society, which denounced them as a dangerous escalation of racist and misogynistic discourse, warning that such rhetoric is increasingly normalized within political and media spaces.

Civil Society Pushback

In response, the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDES) issued a statement on April 14 condemning the remarks as a “blatant attack on human dignity” and a dangerous justification of sexual violence. They also stressed that such rhetoric is not isolated, but part of a broader pattern of hate speech, including narratives around “demographic threat” and the spread of fear and division targeting migrants.

FTDES also warned that continued impunity for figures promoting racist and sexist discourse has encouraged further violations, from incitement to discrimination to calls for controlling migrant women’s bodies. Holding the state responsible, the FTDES argued that official silence amounts to implicit endorsement, and called for the immediate activation of legal accountability mechanisms under existing laws addressing violence against women and racial discrimination. It reaffirmed its categorical rejection of any attempt to justify or normalize racism, sexual violence, or both.

In a joint wave of reactions, feminist groups and human rights organizations denounced MP Mehdi’s statement as a dangerous normalization of both racial discrimination and gender-based violence. The Association Tunisienne des Femmes Démocrates – ATFD described Mehdi’s remarks as a serious misuse of parliamentary space, stressing that they go beyond personal opinion and violate  legal provisions criminalizing violence against women and racial discrimination.

For its part, Amnesty International Tunisia warned in a statement that Mehdi’s rhetoric constitutes hate speech that fuels violence, legitimizes exclusion, and deepens hostility toward already vulnerable groups, including women and migrants. Both organizations emphasized that statements like Mehdi’s, particularly when issued from within legislative institutions, carry significant symbolic and political weight.

They further highlighted that justifying or trivializing sexual violence, especially in racialized terms, represents a serious violation of human rights and contradicts Tunisia’s legal commitments under laws addressing violence against women and racial discrimination. 

Calling for concrete action, they urged authorities to open a serious investigation into the statements, enforce existing legal frameworks, and ensure that public institutions are not used as platforms for the dissemination of racism, misogyny, or incitement to violence.

The president of the parliament, Ibrahim Bouderbala, sought to contain the fallout from Mehdi’s inflammatory remarks, stating during a plenary session on April 14 that, regardless of intent, the values of Tunisian society are rooted in respect for human dignity and equality. He emphasized Tunisia’s historical commitment to women’s rights and its adherence to universal human rights principles, stressing that discrimination has no place in public discourse.

Bouderbala also reiterated Tunisia’s belonging to the African continent and affirmed that all individuals are equal regardless of their background, while underlining that the parliament remains committed to the country’s long-standing values of justice and equality. At the same time, he maintained the state’s position on migration, emphasizing respect for the law and national sovereignty and distinguishing between legal residence and irregular migration.

He concluded by stating that the remarks made by MP Mehdi did not reflect the true values of the institution, expressing hope that his clarification would put an end to the controversy.

From Political Propaganda to Bodily Autonomy

The controversy did not emerge in isolation. In the days leading up to the parliamentary session, similar rhetoric had already surfaced in the media sphere.

In a televised appearance, journalist Imen Jelassi sparked outrage after suggesting that authorities prevent migrant women from giving birth in Tunisia, framing it within fears of a demographic “replacement” of the Tunisian population. 

The journalist’s statement quickly drew sharp reactions from feminist activists and human rights defenders, who condemned them as a direct attack on migrant women’s bodily autonomy. 

“As feminists, we are here today to denounce social media campaigns calling for the ‘sterilization of migrant women,’” Neila Zoghlami, former president of the ATFD told Meshkal on the sideline of Saturday’s march. “This is a blatant violation of bodily autonomy and human rights, and, in every sense, a racist crime.”

Rejecting attempts to minimize the issue, she added: “Anyone who claims that racism does not exist in Tunisia is, in fact, complicit in it and in denial of reality.”

Other activists stressed that such rhetoric signals a deeper and more dangerous shift in public discourse.

“I am here today as a feminist and as an activist for minority rights standing alongside those who are resisting a form of racism that goes far beyond exclusion,” activist Mawadda Jemai told Meshkal. “Today, we are not talking about a passing campaign. We are talking about hate speech and incitement against vulnerable groups.”

Responding directly to the televised remarks by Jelassi, Samira Trabelsi, a nurse and member of the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT), denounced what she described as a clear attack on women’s rights and dignity: “No one has the right to interfere with a woman’s body, let alone deprive her of the experience of motherhood. This is racism and exclusion. I used to respect that journalist, but when she went on television and said something like that, it was shameful. First and foremost, she is a woman, and women should stand by and support one another.”

Racism in Everyday Life

Beyond discourse, racism is experienced in everyday life, both by black African migrants and by black Tunisians.

“I can’t see Saadia’s photo being held up and not stand in solidarity with her,” said Samira Trabelsi. “She stood by me many times when I faced racism from state institutions.” 

For Trabelsi, the accusations against Mosbah are deeply unjust. 

“She is being criminalized for her humanity. She did what the state failed to do. Where were they when the head of the Ivorian community in Tunisia was stabbed seven times in 2018? If Saadia hadn’t intervened, it could have turned into a catastrophe,” Trabelsi told Meshkal.

For migrants, the consequences are even more severe.

“They arrive after fleeing wars, crossing seas and deserts,” said Zoghlami, “only to find themselves trapped here, where they are subjected to multiple forms of racism, from violence and starvation to being denied their most basic human rights.”

Ben Amor linked this situation to state policies and international dynamics. 

“Migrants are paying the price for the state’s involvement in a political discourse that has taken a racist turn, and in cooperation frameworks that have effectively turned Tunisia into a border guard and gatekeeper for the European Union,” Ben Amor said.

Demands for Accountability

Beyond denunciation, protesters also articulated clear demands.

“Our demands are, first, the reactivation of Law No. 50 of 2018 criminalizing racial discrimination, and the re-establishment of the National Commission for the Fight Against Racism,” said Ben Amor. 

He also called for accountability at the highest level. 

“We are asking for an official apology from the state for the discourse it has engaged in since 2023, and for a process of reconciliation, particularly with the victims of this rhetoric and the policies that followed it.”

As the march came to an end, participants dispersed, but their message remained: that some Tunisians stand for the dignity of black people.